🌎 NYT Acknowledges It Was Wrong on Pot Legalization

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I got to read the article when I sit down. What is this?
Reads like percentage but I've never seen thc that high. It said you could buy 90% thc now, I've never seen it and don't look for high percentage product. I want to know the effect and I can figure out the dose pretty easy.

Didn't take much reading to see it's trying to figure out a way to "help" people not abuse weed. We've abused every drug known to man and someone wants to implement more restrictions, higher taxes, more warning labels, etc to prevent people from abusing it. How has that worked with other substances? Higher taxes lead to a bigger black market, more warnings? Get real. Some people are going to abuse substances, hell you can't buy spray paint without getting id'd in some places now. Making it more difficult to get or raising prices ain't the answer, it's like banning "assault " rifles to stop killings, it don't work.
 
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Interestingly it equates “old” pot with a four percent THC content
The BEST medical you can find (legal and otherwise) max's at 30. And that's rare. Most of the medical runs 15-20.

The strains which are grown the the northern part of California and bordering Oregon? Let's take a name you'll likely know; Grandaddy Kush. That came out about 25 years ago. It ranges between 17-27 depending on how, where, and who cultivated the crop. That's medical grade, according to his it is "defined."
 
It was percentage, I skimmed thru but not a read for me. Bs opinion, imo of course.
Oh, it's bullshit if they are saying that's the percentage. Pure bullshit.

It's possible, don't misunderstand me. It's cooked down to liquid (makes the worst cough syrup you had as a kid taste like cotton candy) but that still requires an inactive ingredient.
 
https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/09/opinion/regulate-legalized-marijuana.html#site-content

Opinion
The Editorial Board

It’s Time for America to Admit That It Has a Marijuana Problem​

Feb. 9, 2026

By The Editorial Board

The editorial board is a group of opinion journalists whose views are informed by expertise, research, debate and certain longstanding values. It is separate from the newsroom.
Thirteen years ago, no state allowed marijuana for recreational purposes. Today, most Americans live in a state that allows them to buy and smoke a joint. President Trump continued the trend toward legalization in December by loosening federal restrictions.

This editorial board has long supported marijuana legalization. In 2014, we published a six-part series that compared the federal marijuana ban to alcohol prohibition and argued for repeal. Much of what we wrote then holds up — but not all of it does.

At the time, supporters of legalization predicted that it would bring few downsides. In our editorials, we described marijuana addiction and dependence as “relatively minor problems.” Many advocates went further and claimed that marijuana was a harmless drug that might even bring net health benefits. They also said that legalization might not lead to greater use.
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It is now clear that many of these predictions were wrong. Legalization has led to much more use. Surveys suggest that about 18 million people in the United States have used marijuana almost daily (or about five times a week) in recent years. That was up from around six million in 2012 and less than one million in 1992. More Americans now use marijuana daily than alcohol.

Surging pot use​

Number of U.S. residents consuming marijuana, by frequency of use per month


Source: Jonathan Caulkins (Carnegie Mellon), based on National Survey on Drug Use and Health

By THE NEW YORK TIMES
This wider use has caused a rise in addiction and other problems. Each year, nearly 2.8 million people in the United States suffer from cannabinoid hyperemesis syndrome, which causes severe vomiting and stomach pain. More people have also ended up in hospitals with marijuana-linked paranoia and chronic psychotic disorders. Bystanders have also been hurt, including by people driving under the influence of pot.


America should not go back to prohibition to fix these problems. The war on marijuana brought its own costs. Every year, authorities arrested hundreds of thousands of Americans for marijuana possession. The people who suffered the legal and financial consequences were disproportionately Black, Latino and poor. A society that allows adults to use alcohol and tobacco cannot sensibly arrest people for marijuana use. We oppose the nascent efforts to re-criminalize the drug, such as a potential ballot initiative in Massachusetts this year that would ban recreational sales and home growing.

Yet there is a lot of space between heavy-handed criminal prohibition and hands-off commercial legalization. Much as the United States previously went too far in banning pot, it has recently gone too far in accepting and even promoting its use. Given the growing harms from marijuana use, American lawmakers should do more to regulate it. The most promising approach is one popularized by Mark Kleiman, a drug policy scholar who died in 2019. He described it as “grudging toleration.” Governments can enact policies that keep the drug legal and try to curb its biggest downsides. Culture and social norms can play an important role, too.

The larger point is that a society should be willing to examine the real-world impact of any major policy change and consider additional changes in response to new facts. In the case of marijuana, the recent evidence offers reason for Americans to become more grudging about accepting its use.


Over the past several decades, supporters of marijuana legalization often called for a strategy of “legalize and regulate.” It is a smart approach. Unfortunately, the country has pursued the first part of it while largely ignoring the second.

We want to emphasize that occasional marijuana use is no more a problem than drinking a glass of wine with dinner or smoking a celebratory cigar. Many Americans find it enjoyable to smoke a joint or eat an edible, with friends or alone. Some people with serious illnesses have found relief with marijuana. Adults should have the freedom to use it.

Still, any product that brings both pleasures and problems requires a balancing act, and marijuana falls into this category. Yes, it is safer than alcohol and tobacco in some ways, but it is not harmless. The biggest concern is excessive use. At least one in 10 people who use marijuana develops an addiction, a similar share as with alcohol. Even some who do not develop an addiction can still use it too much. People who are frequently stoned can struggle to hold a job or take care of their families. “As marijuana legalization has accelerated across the country, doctors are contending with the effects of an explosion in the use of the drug and its intensity,” a New York Times investigation concluded in 2024. “The accumulating harm is broader and more severe than previously reported.”

Jennifer Macaluso, a hairdresser in Illinois, experienced these harms. She turned to marijuana to treat severe migraines, and the drug helped at first. After months of use, though, she started getting sick. Her nausea and vomiting became so bad that she had to stop working. Only after months of seeing doctors did one finally confirm marijuana was the problem. “Why don’t more doctors know about it?” she told The Times. “Why didn’t anyone ever mention it to me?”

Part of the answer is the power of Big Weed. For-profit marijuana companies, made possible by legalization, have a financial incentive to mislead the public about what they are selling. Marijuana and CBD companies have made false claims that their products can treat cancer and Alzheimer’s. Others have sold products, such as “Trips Ahoy” and “Double Stuf Stoneo,” in packages that mimic snacks for children. The companies’ executives know they can increase profits by downplaying the harms of frequent use: More than half of industry sales come from the roughly 20 percent of customers known as heavy users.

The legal pot industry grew to more than $30 billion in U.S. sales in 2024, close to the total annual revenue of Starbucks. As the industry has grown, it has increased lobbying of state and federal lawmakers, and it has won some big victories. Marijuana companies, not casual smokers, are the biggest winners of Mr. Trump’s decision to reclassify the drug from Schedule I to Schedule III. The change will increase the profits of these businesses by causing the tax code to treat them more favorably. This does not qualify as grudging toleration.

A better approach would acknowledge that many people end up worse off when they start to use marijuana more frequently. The goal should not be elimination. It should be to slow the recent rise, and perhaps partly reverse it, while acknowledging that many people use marijuana safely and responsibly. Alcohol and tobacco offer a useful framework. Both are legal with limitations, including relatively high taxes, open-container laws and regulations on alcohol and nicotine levels. The goal is to balance personal freedom and public health.

Marijuana, however, is less regulated in several crucial ways. The federal government taxes alcohol and tobacco, for example, but not marijuana. And increases in tobacco taxes have been a major reason that its use has declined during the 21st century, with profound health benefits.

The first step in a strategy to reduce marijuana abuse should be a federal tax on pot. States should also raise taxes on pot; today, state taxes can be as low as a few additional cents on a joint. Taxes should be high enough to deter excessive use, on the scale of dollars per joint, not cents. (Federal alcohol taxes, which have failed to keep pace with inflation since the 1990s, should rise, too.)

An advantage of taxes is that they fall much more on heavy users than casual smokers. If a joint cost $10 instead of $5, it would mean a lot of extra money for someone now smoking multiple joints a day and may change that person’s behavior. It would not be a big burden for someone who smokes occasionally.

A second step should be restrictions on the most harmful forms of marijuana, which would also be similar to regulations for alcohol and tobacco. Today’s cannabis is far more potent than the pot that preceded legalization. In 1995, the marijuana seized by the Drug Enforcement Administration was around 4 percent THC, the primary psychoactive compound in pot. Today, you can buy marijuana products with THC levels of 90 percent or more. As the cliché goes, this is not your parents’ weed. It is as if some beer brands were still sold as beer but contained as much alcohol per ounce as whiskey.

Not surprisingly, greater THC potency has contributed to more addiction and illness. The appropriate response is both to make illegal any marijuana product that exceeds a THC level of 60 percent and to impose higher taxes on potent forms of pot, much as liquor is taxed more heavily than beer and wine.

Third, the federal government should take action on medical marijuana. Decades of studies on the drug have proved disappointing to its boosters, finding little medical benefit. Yet many dispensaries claim, without evidence, that marijuana treats a host of medical conditions. The government should crack down on these outlandish claims. It should issue a clear warning to dispensaries that falsely promise cures and then close those that do not comply.

The federal government needs to be part of these solutions. Leaving taxes and regulations to the states threatens to create a race to the bottom in which people can cross state lines to buy their pot. Congress can set a floor, as it has done, however inadequately, with alcohol and tobacco, and states can build on it as they choose.

The unfortunate truth is that the loosening of marijuana policies — especially the decision to legalize pot without adequately regulating it — has led to worse outcomes than many Americans expected. It is time to acknowledge reality and change course.
 
Whole article pasted above. Interesting that they note the addiction rate is about the same for alcohol.

I don't think they mentioned it in this article, but the Chinese have seized control of the "legal" production, with billions in money laundering to run it back to nationals.

The 90 and 60 percent references are for marijuana "product". Derivatives and concentrations. Just marijuana, perhaps the analogy of beer and whiskey would be better termed, beer and jaeger.

Urban areas stink to high heaven. Folks smoking on their way to/from work at 5:30-6am, getting that last hit in parking decks, with that dank smell lingering permanently. The stench in inner city/midtown Atlanta and Charlotte is incredible. Dealing with a high waitress or sales clerk is maddening.
 
Whole article pasted above. Interesting that they note the addiction rate is about the same for alcohol.

I don't think they mentioned it in this article, but the Chinese have seized control of the "legal" production, with billions in money laundering to run it back to nationals.

The 90 and 60 percent references are for marijuana "product". Derivatives and concentrations. Just marijuana, perhaps the analogy of beer and whiskey would be better termed, beer and jaeger.

Urban areas stink to high heaven. Folks smoking on their way to/from work at 5:30-6am, getting that last hit in parking decks, with that dank smell lingering permanently. The stench in inner city/midtown Atlanta and Charlotte is incredible. Dealing with a high waitress or sales clerk is maddening.
I'm not a fan of the smell myself, much like I'm not a fan of cigarette smoke but I'm not sure what the best answer is there as I'm not a fan of the government telling people where they can smoke either. Shame people just can't have some thought for others and not smoke in public areas. Drinks and edibles are readily available and don't have the smell that is offensive to some.
 
I don't think they mentioned it in this article
A lot falls into this statement.

Early thoughts before I grab a second cuppa.

Any 'medical' report from the NYT is going to judged skeptically. When the first bullet points brings race into the subject it's intellectul dishonesty.

When the first suggestion to "curb the abuse" is a Federal tax? Yeah. The credibility is shot.

What I find interesting now that I've read a little more is the article touches on what I mentioned before reading: sources.

I don't like the source here. History has demonstrated they have been biased towards groups. The author does mention source, as I did earlier.

If a hair dresser in Illinois is going to go into a Vape shot and buy a THC pen from a guy who has to use his phone to translate? Yeah. The source. You'll get little sympathy from me if you are choosing to put something in your body where you don't know what it is or where it came from.

(I guess responsibility is a one way street. It's possible with alcohol, but weed?)

This reminds me of a report from 10-15 years ago when this first started in Colorado and a CBS reporter did a similar report. She had an edible, a candy bar, and she had a bad reaction. "Oh, it's so strong now" and other lamentations filled her report. "Oh, the danger!!"

And when the full story is told she was supposed to eat a gram and she ate the whole damn bar.
 
A lot falls into this statement.

Early thoughts before I grab a second cuppa.

Any 'medical' report from the NYT is going to judged skeptically. When the first bullet points brings race into the subject it's intellectul dishonesty.

When the first suggestion to "curb the abuse" is a Federal tax? Yeah. The credibility is shot.

What I find interesting now that I've read a little more is the article touches on what I mentioned before reading: sources.

I don't like the source here. History has demonstrated they have been biased towards groups. The author does mention source, as I did earlier.

If a hair dresser in Illinois is going to go into a Vape shot and buy a THC pen from a guy who has to use his phone to translate? Yeah. The source. You'll get little sympathy from me if you are choosing to put something in your body where you don't know what it is or where it came from.

(I guess responsibility is a one way street. It's possible with alcohol, but weed?)

This reminds me of a report from 10-15 years ago when this first started in Colorado and a CBS reporter did a similar report. She had an edible, a candy bar, and she had a bad reaction. "Oh, it's so strong now" and other lamentations filled her report. "Oh, the danger!!"

And when the full story is told she was supposed to eat a gram and she ate the whole damn bar.
No, nothing else falls into that statement. I said, I don't think it's mentioned in this article, but the Chinese influence in the "legal" pot industry is huge, in the billions.

Everything else you said used half a sentence as a strawman.
 
An extended conversation among NYT Editorial Board on arriving at a different position on the Marijuana issue. They remain far more liberal in terms of the imperative of public health and addiction rates, but you can at least see their shift to a more logical stance.


Opinion
The Opinions

Marijuana Is Everywhere. That’s a Problem.​

Legalization of the drug without much regulation has led to public health challenges.

Feb. 10, 2026, 5:03 a.m. ET


Emily BazelonDavid LeonhardtGerman LopezJillian Weinberger
By Emily BazelonDavid Leonhardt and German Lopez

Produced by Jillian Weinberger
More than a decade ago, The New York Times editorial board argued that the United States should legalize recreational marijuana. This week, the board modified its stance. Yes, it should be legalized — but marijuana is causing more harm than predicted by many during the fight to legalize it. Now, it must be better regulated. In this conversation, David Leonhardt, an editorial director in Times Opinion, and Emily Bazelon and German Lopez, Opinion writers who work with the editorial board, explore what smarter regulation could look like and why it’s sorely needed.

Marijuana Is Everywhere. That’s a Problem.​

Legalization of the drug without much regulation has led to public health challenges.


Below is a transcript of an episode of “The Opinions.” We recommend listening to it in its original form for the full effect. You can do so using the player above or on the NYTimes app, Apple, Spotify, Amazon Music, YouTube, iHeartRadio or wherever you get your podcasts.

The transcript has been lightly edited for length and clarity.


Emily Bazelon: I’m Emily Bazelon, a writer for New York Times Opinion and The Times Magazine. I’m here today with two of my excellent colleagues, German Lopez and David Leonhardt. Hey guys.


German Lopez: Hi.

David Leonhardt: Hello, Emily.

Bazelon: The three of us help write and edit Times editorials; the unsigned articles that say editorial board at the top. And they express the institutional view of New York Times Opinion.

This week we published an editorial that we have been working on for a long time about marijuana, in which we’re calling for increased regulation of the pot industry. So we’re going to talk about our argument and how we got to this point, but I wanted to start by asking both of you how you feel the place of marijuana has changed in the culture in the last decade and a half? Is weed part of your lives? Do you feel like you see it much more now that it’s been legalized in many states? How do you think about marijuana these days? German, let’s start with you.

Lopez: So it’s been legalized where I’m based, which is Ohio. Definitely once legalization took off, I saw more people using it in public. I actually was walking to the grocery store and somebody offered me a hit earlier in public and I thought, like 20 years ago, this absolutely would not have happened. So it’s definitely been a dramatic shift. I mean, this is like something that I just keep thinking about. It’s one thing to legalize a drug, but it’s another thing to culturally embrace it. And I think we have really culturally embraced it in a way that, that has surprised me. Like you’ve seen Gwyneth Paltrow invest into big weed in California, and that’s really the biggest thing that’s changed — there’s just much more public support for it in a cultural sense, not even just a legal sense.

Bazelon: David, what are your thoughts about this?

Leonhardt: I walk a lot in both Washington, D.C., and New York, and the smell is everywhere. If you go for a long walk at this point, you should assume you’re going to smell marijuana at some point in a way that you don’t actually smell tobacco anymore quite so regularly. The place that I first noticed it was Colorado, where I happen to have a whole bunch of family members live. I go to Colorado every year and I have been for a long time, and I remember years ago it started to become common to see marijuana shops pretty much everywhere. It has just become a normal part of the commercial landscape in Colorado and in some other parts of the country as well.

Bazelon: Also the strains of weed have become so much stronger. As someone who rarely actually uses or smokes it, I feel like with edibles I have to be really careful and start with a really small amount and just assume that it’s going to be way too strong. Or else I’ll wake up in the morning and still be in some kind of fog. I won’t ask either of you to divulge your personal pot unless you feel like chiming in —



Lopez: I remember making fun of Maureen Dowd’s experience with an edible, then going to Colorado and having basically the exact same experience where I’m sitting in a bed just in a state of panic and completely shocked that this was so much stronger than anything I had been used to. I just was not expecting it at all.

Leonhardt: It’s a good reminder that Maureen Dowd is always right.

Lopez: Yeah, that’s true.

Bazelon: OK, let’s turn to our editorial and the ways in which the country has changed that set up this stance that we decided to take. So 13 years ago, there was no state that allowed recreational use of marijuana. And at that point, the editorial board published a whole series about legalization. David, what did the issue look like then?

Leonhardt: So the editorial board published this series in 2014, as you said, when none of us were part of the editorial board, and this was pretty early in the big legalization push. The headline on the main one was “Repeal Prohibition Again,” and it was a set of editorials that got a lot of attention.

As that headline suggested, the core of the argument was that the prohibition of marijuana was as wrong as the temporary prohibition of alcohol had been in the 20th century, and that Americans, at least adults, should have the freedom to smoke and use marijuana as they have the freedom to drink alcohol and smoke tobacco.


Bazelon: German, you have been writing about drugs and drug policy for more than a decade. How has your thinking about marijuana shifted in that time?


Lopez: When I started writing about this topic, the younger, more naïve me really did buy into a lot of the legalization arguments. I thought marijuana was already pretty accessible. It’s not like it was particularly difficult to get before, so how much can legalization possibly increase use? I thought that the country would regulate it in a much more serious way than it has. I just had a hard time believing that the country would move from criminal prohibition to very hands-off commercialization that easily. I would say that I started having my doubts fairly early because I was also covering the opioid crisis, and that is an actual example of a legal drug being marketed irresponsibly and the government really underreacting to it. So that was a first hint that, look, maybe this legalization regulation thing doesn’t work exactly as it’s sold. But then over time, we saw more and more problems pop up with marijuana legalization. We’ve seen a sharp increase in daily users. More people now use pot daily in the U.S. than use alcohol daily. And that is a dramatic shift. We’ve seen increases in addiction. We’ve seen increases in people going to E.R.s and reporting what’s called “cannabinoid hyperemesis syndrome,” which we’ll just say C.H.S., but it’s like really violent nausea. It’s not at all pleasant.

I think from a basic standpoint, somebody who’s spending every single day stoned is just going to be a less productive member of society and that, I think, is something that we should worry about when we see those daily increased numbers.

Bazelon: For me, what’s been really unexpected is the health effects; I just didn’t understand that. I remember in high school learning untruly that you couldn’t be addicted to marijuana. I think that idea and the pretty benign culture of pot made me give a lot of thought to regulation. There’s always a distance from saying that something shouldn’t be criminal anymore to deciding exactly what kind of place it’s going to have in society. And I think that’s what we were wrestling with as we’ve been working on this editorial, and it was kind of tricky for us to figure out how to frame it. David, can you talk a little bit about that?

Leonhardt: It’s a really tricky issue, because we want to be clear about this. We are reiterating our pro-legalization position. We say in the new editorial that we oppose this ballot initiative that Massachusetts citizens may be able to vote on this year that would essentially recriminalize marijuana. We don’t think it should be recriminalized; probably the biggest cost of the criminalization of marijuana is we ended up arresting large numbers of people for partaking in an activity that is not fundamentally different from consuming or selling alcohol and tobacco, both of which are obviously legal. Those arrests had long-term costs, financial costs, job opportunities costs, and the people who bore those costs were disproportionately poor, disproportionately Black and disproportionately Latino. And ending the criminalization of marijuana has meant that we have ended that form of injustice, and that is worth celebrating. But when you have a big, new policy, and legalization of marijuana has been a big, new policy, it’s really important to step back and look at what the effects are. Just as German was saying, a lot of the effects have been bad. Use has gone way up. Addiction has gone up. Illness associated with marijuana has gone up. And not only have those effects been bad, but they are quite different from what advocates predicted.

And so what the three of us and our colleagues really grappled with was how do we get the balance right — where we simultaneously say, look, marijuana should be legal. Adults who want to use it should be able to use it. And also let’s acknowledge that legalization has had real downsides. So then what do we do about that?


Lopez: Just to punctuate one thing that David and you have said, on this addiction point. I mean, you still see people who really are skeptical that you can get addicted, and I would just point out that when you look at the data on this, it is people saying, on their own, in national surveys, that they have a problem with marijuana. They’re basically saying that they want to stop using but cannot, and it’s causing problems in their lives.

Bazelon: I feel like everybody knows at least one person for whom this is true. It’s a pretty common phenomenon. David, you explained the position that the editorial board took in 2014. Our current editorial says governments can enact policies that keep the drug legal and try to curb its biggest downsides. So we’re looking for this kind of middle ground of regulation. And one of the ways we’ve been talking about this is this idea of grudging toleration, which is a Scrooge-like phrase that almost mocks itself. But what’s the ballast that we are looking for here? German, how do you think about where we’ve arrived and tell us about grudging toleration, because it has a good origin story.

Lopez: Yeah, it comes from Mark Kleiman, a criminologist. He used to write a lot on these issues. If you read any book on criminal justice, I think it should be “When Brute Force Fails” by Mark Kleiman. And he was looking at this topic from the standpoint of: We clearly don’t like this punitive war on drugs, but we also don’t like the idea of everybody getting addicted to all these drugs. So what is the middle point? And he basically makes a point that just because you legalize something does not mean you have to embrace it. I don’t mean just legal, I mean culturally too. And so how do we balance these things?

We already see this with tobacco; it’s legal, but we restrict where people can use it. We have very high taxes on it. Same thing with alcohol. It’s restricted. You can’t drink and drive. It has relatively higher taxes, although I would say the taxes aren’t high enough on alcohol. And there’s limitations on even where you can drink. In a lot of places you cannot have an open container. So with marijuana, we’ve really gone in a direction where the taxes are relatively low. The regulations are not as strict as I think a lot of initial proponents were thinking.

So we’ve moved below that grudging toleration line, which, yes, it’s a funny phrase. But it basically gets at the idea that you can tolerate something, you can make it legal, but you don’t really have to think it should be a part of everyday life.


Bazelon: So David, what are the specific policy ideas that you feel are most promising for finding this more grudging approach than a lot of states are currently taking once they’ve legalized marijuana?

Leonhardt: I think taxes is the place to start. What I would say is that we’ve had huge success reducing tobacco use over the last few decades, and taxes have been absolutely central to that effort. We’ve made it much more expensive to smoke cigarettes and fewer people smoke cigarettes. So by increasing the taxes on tobacco, we have really helped drive down cigarette use. And as German was just saying, taxes on marijuana are really quite low — cents on the dollar in some cases, and we should raise them. The same way we should say that as a society, we want to find ways to discourage excess use of alcohol and tobacco, we should be able to say we want to discourage excess use of marijuana.

Another thing that should happen is we should tax marijuana based in part on its THC [tetrahydrocannabinol] levels. That’s the primary psychoactive compound in pot. The same way the taxes are higher on whiskey than they are on beer, taxes should be higher on stronger levels of marijuana than weaker levels. So I think taxes are really a central way to do it.

And as the three of us and our colleagues were talking about this, German made a really nice point, which is, there’s another beauty of taxes, which is that not only do they discourage excess use, but they’re not that big a deal for the person who wants to have gummies a couple times a month or smoke a joint with friends on the weekend, because they’re not heavy users of it. A tax is really well designed to discourage excess use, but not punish people who are using a product quite safely and getting enjoyment from it.

Bazelon: And what about medical marijuana? Do we need to rethink at all how we are currently handling that?


Lopez: I think people should step back and think about how medicine is supposed to work in the United States. Drugs are supposed to go through a regulatory process with federal agencies, which decide yes or no based on whether a drug meets safety and efficacy standards, after lots of rigorous testing. That has not happened at all with what’s being sold in medical marijuana dispensaries. Instead, state voters — and sometimes state legislators — have approved initiatives that basically say you can sell marijuana at a dispensary and claim it provides X, Y, Z medical benefits, really without any evidence.

When this debate first started, I was hopeful that medical marijuana would help a lot of people. But based on the most rigorous studies we’ve seen, it actually doesn’t have great benefits overall. For some people, it can help with pain or very specific issues, but when you compare it to other medications — or even to not using pot at all — it really doesn’t work as well as we once thought.

So I think we should step back and ask whether we should really have all these dispensaries claiming, without evidence, that medical marijuana does all these great things. We wouldn’t accept that standard for most other medications, and we probably shouldn’t accept it for marijuana either.

Bazelon: So one big development since legalization is that marijuana has become a multibillion-dollar industry that is in some gray area of legal and illegal, but we really are in an era of big weed. German, how does that fit into how we should think about regulation?

Lopez: I think if you’re a good liberal, you think a lot about personal liberty, personal freedoms and that people should be able to use what they want, consume what they want. But corporations have a lot of incentives to market their products irresponsibly, to really push people to misuse them, use them as much as possible, and that’s really not any different with weed. They make most of their revenue from the heaviest users. We should just think: Is that something we want these corporations doing, marketing their addictive products to really, really heavy users?


Leonhardt: And not just heavy users, but kids and teenagers. There are products called Trips Ahoy, which obviously evokes Chips Ahoy, and Double Stuff Stoneos that evoke Oreos. This is a classic playbook of corporations that care much more about their own profits and by extension, their executive salaries, than the well-being of Americans.

German Lopez: I was just going to say one thing that’s worth emphasizing. You were getting at this, Emily. It is a legal gray area right now because technically marijuana is federally illegal, so it’s much more difficult for companies to market their products in this way. You see beer ads in the Super Bowl. That’s not going to happen with pot because it’s illegal on a national level. I would say it’s the early days. So it’s the time to get a grapple on these issues and really start thinking through regulations and what we want these companies to be able to do when they’re out there marketing their products.

Bazelon: So if we move into this world of heavier regulation that you’re envisioning, does that push a lot of the market for pot back into the illegal black market? Because obviously that still exists, right? And the harder you make it or the more expensive you make it to get something legally, don’t you risk just going back to the world of underground dealers?

Leonhardt: So there is some of that risk there, but this is one of the things that on the editorial board, we actually end up talking about a lot. It is true that no law is perfect and sometimes things will go to the margin, but to then argue that therefore we should not have laws ends up being really nihilist. It actually ends up being this technique that people who don’t want any regulation use.

Often, corporate lobbyists and lobbyists for wealthy people say that we shouldn’t tax rich people or increase taxes on rich people because they’ll find ways to get around it. So let’s step back and ask ourselves, well wait a second, if they would actually be able to find ways to get around all the tax increases, why are they so upset about the tax increases? Why are they lobbying against them? It turns out, actually, that when you raise taxes on rich people, you raise taxes on rich people. And the same thing goes with marijuana, which is, if we crack down on some of these abuses, yes, some of it will move to the black market and we’ll then need to look for ways to restrict that. But the bigger dynamic will be that essentially harmful behavior by companies will be less common. And so I think we shouldn’t be scared of putting in place a law because it won’t have 100 percent efficacy.



Bazelon: So one of the things that I’ve been thinking about is whether marijuana is a vice in the kind of old fashioned 19th-century social reform version of a vice where you had an anti- vice squad in New York City going around looking for racy playing cards and anything else that appeared to them to be what people then called obscene and maybe now we would think of as pornography. Marijuana is a vice.

We’ve been talking about some other topics on the editorial board that could fit that definition — that have addictive qualities also — like sports gambling or pornography or even social media. Is there something helpful in this framing of this middle ground of regulation that could also apply more broadly? And at the same time, do we risk reviving this category of vice, falling into the 19th-century trap of Victorian morality where we’re not really thinking about harm, we’re more just disapproving of things?

Lopez:

I don’t want to go around like a moral grandstanding, telling people that “Reefer Madness” is real and they are a bad person for smoking pot, because I just don’t believe that at all. But it is also the case that with these drugs, we have long accepted the idea that some people do get in trouble and when they get in trouble, it hurts all of us and we should do what we can to prevent that from happening.

Leonhardt: I’m willing to do a little bit of moral grandstanding and maybe inspire disagreement from the two of you. Yes, smoking pot is a vice, so is drinking alcohol, which is something I very much enjoy doing — and so is smoking tobacco. So are a whole bunch of other activities. That doesn’t mean that people who do these activities are bad people — to echo German. But it does mean that you want to be honest about the trade-offs here. So I would say to your question, Emily, yes, smoking pot is a vice. The same way drinking a martini — which I very much enjoy — is a vice. It is a perfectly good thing for people to do in some circumstances, but when you add it up over society, it has costs that we’ve been too eager to wish away with marijuana over the last 15 years.

Lopez: One thing I wanted to do is also flip this a bit because in some ways, the way you have seen marijuana portrayed in the last few decades, it’s not just that it’s not a vice, but it’s a literal virtue. It has medical properties that are good, you see people celebrating its use. I mean, it’s not hard to find a celebrity who is boasting that they use pot every day. Now, I would just ask people to think: What if somebody was saying that about alcohol? Like: I’m getting drunk every single day. What would you think about that? I think you would start thinking that person has a problem and something is wrong here. Because intuitively we understand that there are limits to how much we should be celebrating this thing, even if it’s legal. And I think the same applies to marijuana here, especially in a cultural sense. I think we’ve gone way too far in glorifying its use.


Bazelon: Yeah, it’s such a ping pong back-and-forth. I think an additional element here is that when marijuana was criminal, the criminalization did enormous damage. Hundreds of thousands of people were getting arrested, going to jail, sometimes serving actual prison sentences. It was a cost that was inflicted mostly on poor people and people of color in urban settings and was part of ripping the fabric of those neighborhoods that is caused by lots of incarceration.

So in some ways, I feel like we’ve gone too far in the other direction because that was such a clear social harm. We needed a way out and making marijuana seem super benign and maybe even positive was a way to change those laws. Now, maybe, at least in states that have legalized pot, we’re in a different place and there’s enough recognition of that past harm. I hope that we can figure out how to find this middle ground of regulation without risking going backwards into the world of sending people to jail, which seemed really problematic and just did a lot of damage.

So that leads me to the last thing I really wanted to talk about, which is this whole question of trade-offs. They’re just unavoidable in policymaking. You’re never going to get it exactly right. There always are some harms that you’re causing or failing to mitigate by going in one direction rather than the other. Legalization was really important for reducing arrests and jails, and yet it also seems like it had this somewhat unexpected effect of greater use and more health problems. How should we be thinking about that going forward, applied to this problem, but then also to other kinds of social ills or vices that we want to try to find this middle ground for?



Lopez: I think a lot of people might hear this conversation we’re having and think, look at these three narcs, and they’re hating marijuana and all that —

Bazelon: I always like to think of myself as a narc. That’s my favorite self-image.

Lopez: But it’s just by the nature of this editorial, and by the nature of this conversation, we are talking a lot about why we’re making the case for regulation. But all three of us are supporters of legalization. We think marijuana should have been legalized. Like I partake, I’m cool — it’s not just —


Bazelon: Are you though? Anyway, keep going.

Lopez: Fair enough. But it’s not just that we’re people who oppose marijuana legalization to begin with and we’re coming back and saying, look, we hate this. No. I am reviled by this original statistic that hundreds of thousands of people were arrested, especially people of color, and then they had criminal records for lives tied to this drug that really was not doing enough harm to justify that kind of prohibition. But the advocates said, for a long time, legalize and regulate, and I think we really need to take the second part of that seriously.

Leonhardt: The advocates were right when they said legalize and regulate, and now let’s do it.

Bazelon: Thank you guys. Thank you both for helping me think about this and talking this through.

Lopez: Thanks for having me.

Leonhardt: Thank you.
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Credit...Illustration by The New York Times; photograph by Anna Efetova/Getty

Thoughts? Email us at theopinions@nytimes.com.

This episode of “The Opinions” was produced by Jillian Weinberger. It was edited by Kaari Pitkin. Mixing by Sonia Herrero. Original music by Pat McCusker and Carole Sabouraud. Fact-checking by Mary Marge Locker. Audience strategy by Shannon Busta and Kristina Samulewski. The director of Opinion Video is Jonah M. Kessel. The deputy director of Opinion Shows is Alison Bruzek. The director of Opinion Shows is Annie-Rose Strasser.

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